The aim of this article is to outline the arguments in favour of acknowledging an unborn child as a subject of constitutional law with the right to life (Article 38 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland). For this purpose, the article presents an overview of the case law of the Constitutional Tribunal as well as views of legal academics and commentators and judicial decisions concerning the right to life, the concept of subject of law, and the legal position of an unborn child. Furthermore, the article reviews the international law and the case law of international tribunals. Although the Constitutional Tribunal stipulates that every person, including an unborn child, is entitled to legal subjectivity (in the judgement on case No. K 26/96), it may seem that the reasoning in this judgement is still rejected in the literature regarding both constitutional and civil law.
Artykuł ma na celu zaprezentowanie zarysu argumentacji na rzecz uznania dziecka poczętego za podmiot konstytucyjnego prawa do ochrony życia (art. 38 Konstytucji RP). W tym celu dokonany został przegląd orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego oraz poglądów nauki prawa, dotyczących zagadnienia prawa do ochrony życia, pojęcia podmiotowości prawnej oraz pozycji prawnej nasciturusa. Subsydiarnie sięgnięto do aktów prawa międzynarodowego oraz orzecznictwa międzynarodowych trybunałów. Wydaje się bowiem, że wyartykułowana przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny w orzeczeniu wydanym w sprawie prowadzoną pod sygnaturą K 26/96 teza, że każdemu człowiekowi – w tym dziecku poczętemu – przysługuje podmiotowość prawna, jest wciąż marginalizowana w literaturze dotyczącej tak prawa konstytucyjnego, jak i prawa cywilnego.
Słowa kluczowe: aborcja, dziecko poczęte, podmiotowość prawna, prawo do ochrony życia
Keywords: abortion, legal subjectivity, right to life, unborn child
Human dignity and human life are the most precious treasures that State should protect. The obligation of public authorities, but also the state understood as political community of citizens (civitas), to protect those treasures results from the objective natural order, which should be respected and affirmed by positive legislation[1]. Their importance was emphasised also in the Polish Constitution of 1997, which, in Article 30, provides that: “Inherent and inalienable human dignity is the source of freedoms and rights of human being and of citizen. It is irrevocable; therefore, respecting and protecting that dignity is the duty of public authorities.” Article 38 of the Constitution provides that: “The Republic of Poland ensures that each person’s life is protected.” The mutual relation between human dignity and the legal protection of human life was noted by the Constitutional Tribunal, which stated: “a characteristic consequence of Article 30 is Article 38 of the Constitution, according to which «the Republic of Poland ensures that each person’s life is protected.» It is particularly important and as such bears certain consequences for positive legislation. […] We cannot speak of human dignity if there is no sufficient basis for the protection of human life”[2].
Protection of human life should be consequent and it should encompass the entire period of human existence. Human life should, therefore, be protected from its beginning, i.e. from the fusion of male and female gametes (karyogamy) to the natural termination of all functions of the organism (natural death). Although the issue seems prima facie obvious, it is still an object of heated debates and arguments concerning the initial moment from which the protection of human life should come into force as well as the scope and intensity of this protection. It is first of all connected with the acceptability of abortion, i.e. killing of conceived child, by means of surgical intervention or the use of pharmacological substances. Other important issues include the acceptability of euthanasia and prohibition of the death penalty; these relate to termination of life in the post-natal stage of existence. Obviously, such a short paper cannot fully refer to all questions regarding the consequences of legal protection of life. We must, therefore, restrict ourselves to the issue arising most disputes. It is defining the initial moment for the protection of human life. That problem is connected with the necessity to answer three fundamental questions:
1) is conceived child a subject of law or only an entity under legal protection?
2) if conceived child is a subject of law, does it mean that it has the right for its life to be protected?
3) what circumstances may influence the restriction of the exercise of the right of conceived child for its life to be protected?
The history of law teaches us about numerous legal systems functioning in the past, under which entire groups of people were deprived of legal capacity. An example in this context can be the Roman Empire, in which slaves were not legal subjects[3]. The scope of legal subjectivity ascribed to in a given legal system determines its entire character, and in consequence allows to indicate the extent to which that legal system is compatible with natural law[4]. The Romans themselves knew very well that slavery is contradictory to natural law[5], nevertheless the accepted the status quo, probably for pragmatic reasons.
Is, then, conceived child a subject of law? Or is it, like slaves in ancient Rome, only an entity covered by legal protection, which depends on the will of the positive legislator? The Constitution provides no clear answer to that question[6]. However, the phrase “each human” in Article 38 should unequivocally indicate that if conceived child is human, then it must be also covered by the protection under that provision.
The issue in question is also explained in one of the most significant judgements of the Constitutional Tribunal, issued on 28 May 1997. Referring to the incapacity of nasciturus under Polish Civil Code (repeal of Article 8(2) of the Polish Civil Code), the Tribunal represented that: “The capacity provided for in the regulations of the Civil Code, is of functional nature, and refers exclusively to civil law. In particular, the capacity provided for in Article 8 of the Civil Code cannot be associated with being the subject of law under the whole legal system. Being the subject of law is attributable to all human beings”[7]. One should note that the Tribunal reached that conclusion not on the basis of Article 38 of the currently applicable Constitution, but on the rule of law principle[8].
The quoted fragment of the judgement of the Constitutional Tribunal of 1997 must lead to the conclusion that this is a separate legal subjectivity from that in the Civil Code. Both before and after the development of the current Civil Code, the question of legal subjectivity of nasciturus was extensively discussed by legal scholars[9]. One of the authors of the Civil Code, A. Wolter treated the legal capacity and being subject of law as equal terms[10]. Although this stand is still present in civil law literature[11], the secondary and technical character of the “legal capacity” category is emphasised more and more often, along with the increasing acceptance of the legal subjectivity of nasciturus[12]. It has to be agreed that the opinion of P. Księżak: “There is no doubt that nasciturus, a living organism of human genome, is a human, therefore a subject of law, however that does not necessarily mean that it possesses legal capacity. Therefore, a human – and therefore an subject – acquires legal capacity only at a certain stage of its existence, i.e. in the moment of birth”[13]. In this context there is an obvious need to clearly distinguish between the notions of legal capacity and being the subject of law. According to the cited statement of the Constitutional Tribunal, the notion of conceived child being a subject of law should not be examined exclusively from the point of view of civil law and therefore it has to be assumed that it does not involve only the personality in relation to civil-law property relationships. The notion of nasciturus being a subject of law should manifest itself primarily in terms of protection of its personal interests, in particular those which are reflected in constitutional legislation (mainly the right to legal protection of life and health care)[14].
Argument regarding a conceived child as a subject of law – although not directly – is also justified on the basis of the judgement of the Constitutional Tribunal of 15 October 2002, in which it was stated that: “under Article. 30 of the constitution, a situation in which a human would become only an object of actions taken by the authorities, he/she would be a «substitutable volume», and his/her role would be limited to purely instrumental or the allegation of «statutory desubjectification-reification» – may be recognised as, in principle, violation of dignity”[15]. The notion was expressed more clearly by the Tribunal in the order of 18 April 2018, in which the court of the law appealed also to the regulations of international law: “It is important to not lose sight of the rights of the child under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations of 20 November 1989 [...], which are not opposed by any «right to a child». The concept assuming the existence of a «right of a woman to an embryo» infringes the constitutionally protected dignity (Article 30 of the Constitution) granted to every person, including a conceived child. The recognition that a human (a child, regardless of its development stage) may be a subject of an individual right of another human (mother) is equivalent to treating it as an object. However, a human cannot be treated as a means to an end for another persons. He/she cannot be treated as a «thing» nor can he/she be jus disponendi by another human”[16].
The notion was expressed in a similar vein also by the Court of Justice of the European Union in a judgement of 18 October 2011.[17] On that day, the Grand Chamber of the Court concluded that the human embryo – any human ovum after fertilisation, any non-fertilised human ovum into which the cell nucleus from a mature human cell has been transplanted, and any non-fertilised human ovum whose division and further development have been stimulated by parthenogenesis – due to its inherent dignity, is excluded from patentability (cannot become a subject of a patent)[18]. Of course the context of the discussions was relatively narrow, yet, it is difficult to accept that under one branch of law nasciturus is granted inherent dignity and under another it is not[19].
It should therefore be assumed that a conceived child is a subject of law. The argument that a conceived child is only covered by legal protection as some sort of legal good (e.g. the legal protection is granted to the welfare of a conceived child), would inevitably lead to the denial of its human dignity. A different opinion was presented by the European Court of Human Rights, which, in the case of Vo v France, adopted an object-oriented concept of the protection of the dignity of a conceived child: “it may be regarded as common ground between States that the embryo/foetus belongs to the human race. The potentiality of that being and its capacity to become a person […] require protection in the name of human dignity […]”[20]. The argumentation presented by the European Court of Human Rights was not convincing. If we assume that a conceived child belongs to the human race, we should therefore assume it as a being bearing human dignity [21]. It is in turn the source of all freedoms and rights. It matters not whether a conceived child feels pain or whether it is a sentient being. Persons in vegetative state are also not being denied their inherent dignity, therefore it is clear that the circumstances are completely indifferent to determining whether nasciturus is a subject of law.
Therefore, an argument about the necessity of legal protection of a conceived child “in the name of human dignity”, i.e. for purely humanitarian reasons, should by ruled out. A child – including the one in prenatal development stage – is granted a right for that protection stemming from its inherent dignity and ensuring them is the duty of public authorities and not an expression of their good will, humanism, etc.
If an unborn child is to be regarded as a subject of law due to its inherent dignity, this gives rise to the question whether the rights of such child include the right to life i.e. its legal protection. It is confirmed by Article 38 of the Constitution, and namely by the textual interpretation of this provision. In no way does it indicate the point from which human life is to be protected. Consequently, every person may effectively demand such protection from public authorities, also at the prenatal stage of development. In the case of an unborn child, of course, if there is a need to take specific steps connected with the execution of rights related to such protection, it is the parents that should be entrusted with the execution of these rights on the grounds of parental authority vested in them from the moment of conception, or, alternatively, a third party (curator ventris) [22].
Article 38 of the Constitution should be interpreted taking into account the in dubio pro vita humana principle[23]. This means that any emerging concerns as to the interpretation must be settled “in favour of human life”. An interpretation of legal provisions which would result in restricting the legal protection of human life in any aspect (as a subject or object of law) would thus prove unacceptable. In fact, however, the principle indicated should be of auxiliary nature only, as the current state of medical knowledge allows us to state clearly that an unborn child is a human (a living creature equipped with the human genome). There are, therefore, hardly any doubts in this matter.
Similar conclusions can be derived from the case law of the Constitutional Tribunal. It stated namely that the “Value of human life as a good legally protected by the constitution, including the life at the prenatal phase, may not be differentiated, as there are no sufficiently precise and justified criteria which would allow for such differentiation depending on the development phase of human life. Since its conception, human life is a value protected by the Constitution. This also applies to the prenatal stage”[24]. The Tribunal has adopted the interpretation of the primary responsibility of the public authorities arising from the principle of the democratic rule of law. This interpretation should be currently viewed in the context of the current Constitution, in particular Articles 30 and 38. In the light of the Constitution of 1997, the life of an unborn child is not only a legally important value. The right of an unborn child to have its life legally protected is a basic legal right of an unborn child regarded as a subject of law.
The views of legal academics and commentators as well as judicial decisions are not so clear in this matter. Referring to the subjective scope of application of Article 38 of the Constitution, Bogusław Banaszak noted that the “legal protection of life does not mean the protection of human life from the moment of conception”[25]. W. Skrzydło was even stricter in saying that “Article 38 safeguards the protection of the life of a person, that is an individual who has been born and not merely conceived. This is how this term is understood in medicine and law, in contrast to the wider term «human being» which is not the term used in the said provision”[26]. Although the notion of a “human being” does not appear in the Polish Constitution at all, it is employed in the international law. W. Lang also claimed that protecting an unborn child pursuant to Article 38 is not valid, whereas interpreting it otherwise is contra legem[27]. However, he interpreted the constitutional notion of a human by reference to provisions of acts, while it is the provisions of acts and international agreements that should be interpreted in accordance with the Constitution and not conversely.
The position of T. Sroka was substantially different: “The constitutional notion of a «person» used both in Article 38 and in Article 30 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland refers to any being having human genome, at any stage of development […]. In view of the above, the constitutional concept of an «person» or «every person» encompasses all human beings at every stage of development, including the prenatal stage”[28]. Several authors expressed similar opinions, including: A. Zoll[29], M. Masternak-Kubiak[30], M. Granat[31], L. Bosek[32], D. Dudek[33], M. Olszówka[34] or P. Jaros[35]. This position is therefore predominant in the literature, much as it is not, in fact, common.
The right to life is formulated explicitly in numerous acts of international law. A particularly important act is the Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 20 November 1989[36] (hereafter: The Convention on the Rights of the Child or CRC). The CRC preamble referred to the content of the Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1959 in stating that every person can benefit from the rights stipulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights[37] and the International Covenants on Human Rights[38] regardless of any differences arising from the circumstances of their birth. A child, however, due to its physical and mental immaturity, requires special care and concern, including appropriate legal protection, both before and after birth. It is important that the Convention on the Rights of the Child defines a child as “every human being below the age of eighteen years” (Article 1 of the Convention). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Human Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child all provide directly for the right to life, without limiting the subjective scope of this right in any way[39].
The Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (so-called the European Convention of Human Rights; hereafter: the ECHR)[40] calls for particular attention. Article 2 of this Convention stipulates that: “Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.” The second sentence of the provision quoted expired with adopting Protocol No. 6 to the Convention 1983[41] which introduced the absolute prohibition on the use of capital punishment in peacetime[42] as well as Protocol No. 13 which banned its application completely[43]. Both protocols entered into force in Poland on 1 November 2000 and 1 September 2014 respectively[44].
It is worth noting that an increasing number of newly prepared documents such as recommendations of various international bodies, in particular the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (sic!) seek to exert pressure on individual states as to ensuring a wide “access to abortion”[45]. It must be emphasised that this type of documents and opinions are not sources of applicable law[46], but rather belong to the group of acts referred to as soft law which is not binding for the states parties to international agreements and may not change their provisions in any way[47]. Their effects should be considered in terms of political pressure and not legal commitments adopted by the states. At this point it must be stated that no act of international law binding for the Republic of Poland imposes the obligation to reduce the standard of protection of life in the Polish legislation. The contrary is true – both the international law and the Polish Constitution protect unborn children[48].
Despite the close link between the duty to ensure that the life of every person is legally protected as a natural freedom from external interference resulting in cessation of all biological functions and the obligation to respect human dignity, the two notions are significantly different. Human life is not an absolute value and therefore the protection of human life may be limited, unless it can be proved that there is a good which would justify sacrificing it. Human dignity must be respected in all circumstances as it does not constitute any law nor constitutional freedom but it is the source of all rights and freedoms. Therefore, protection of human dignity may never be limited, suspended or waived.
This can be derived directly from Article 31(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It stipulates that “The restrictions on the use of constitutional rights and freedoms may be established by law and only if they are necessary for the security or public order of a democratic state, or for the protection of the environment, health and public morality, or rights and freedoms of others. These restrictions may not affect the substance of the rights and freedoms in question.”
It must be noted, however, that the Constitutional Tribunal regards the legal protection of human life as a priority and there are few values surpassing it. This may be concluded from the judgement of the Tribunal of 30 September 2008 which stipulates the following: “in a democratic state which follows the rule of law, social justice and integrity, and which protects the life and the inherent dignity of a person, it is totally unacceptable to reduce the legal protection of human life for the purpose of protecting values which rank lower in the constitutional hierarchy, such as ownership and other property rights, public morality, environmental protection or even the health of other people”[49].
Abortion of an unborn child in Poland is admissible in three circumstances: (1) when the woman’s life or health is endangered by the continuation of pregnancy, (2) when there is high probability of a serious and irreversible impairment of a child or a disease that threatens his or her life, or (3) when there is a suspicion that the pregnancy is a result of a criminal act[50]. In this regard, A. Zoll noted: “As it has already been mentioned, life is not an absolute value. It may be sacrificed for the sake of a good which is at least as valuable. […] From this point of view, there is no doubt as to the first of these circumstances (when the woman’s life is in jeopardy – B.Z.). As to the second case (health hazard to the mother – B.Z.), however, doubts arise in respect of the undefined risks to the health of women. The present wording of this condition does not adequately safeguard the life of an unborn child. From the point of view of the protection of life of an unborn child, the remaining premises raise substantial doubts”[51].
Each of the reasons above deserves greater deliberation, as do the “substantial” doubts mentioned by A. Zoll. Yet the only value equivalent to the life of a person may be the life of another person, as postulated in the judgement of the Constitutional Tribunal of 2008. Given such a dramatic dilemma, it can be expected that both will be rescued as long as possible, while sacrificing one of them will be the last resort. From the point of view of the Polish Constitution, it may be thus assumed that it is only the situation of immediate danger to the life of the mother that can justify taking the life of her unborn child.
Both the Polish Constitution and the acts of international law which are binding for the Republic of Poland stipulate that the life of an unborn child should be legally protected. Yet the concept of the unborn child as a subject of law, found both in the case law and literature, whereby the life of an unborn child is a legally protected good, proves insufficient. It is also incongruous with modern medical knowledge, which clearly indicates that an unborn child is a human. Consequently, it should be recognised as a subject of law. Subjectivity as a passive feature does not require the individual in question to be involved by stating its will. It is rather a condition in which the entity has specific rights granted by virtue of its dignity as a person. Organisational units are considered as subjects of law on the grounds of the decision of the legislator, i.e. in an artificial way dependent on its will. The subjectivity of an individual, however, can be merely acknowledged by the legislator since it is justified by the natural state of things which should be reflected in the positive law.